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Discussion Starter · #1 ·
The thread title refers to the latest excerpt from Volume 10 which is found at the end of the thread.

REVIEWERS WANTED! If you would like to review any of the books in this
series, PM me with your Amazon email address and I will gift copies to you.

This post is to introduce a Kindle version of Volume 10 of a series entitled
"AMERICA Great Crises In Our History Told by Its Makers" which was published as
a print version by the Veterans of Foreign Wars in 1925. The tenth volume
covers the period 1890-1914. This Kindle version is published in partnership
with the VFW who receive 50% of sales revenue.

A New World Power



Product Description

By 1890, the world saw a new global power. The United States, barely 100 years
old, had recovered from devastating Civil War and its territory now covered half
a continent. This volume of eye-witness historical accounts takes us up to
Woodrow Wilson's Presidency and 1914. American power and confidence grew - and
sometimes over-reached itself, as Alexander Noyes describes in his account of
the Panics of 1893 and 1907. There's a fascinating account of Henry Ford and the
automobile, and the Wright brothers' description of their first flight. There
are contemporary accounts of the Chicago Exposition; the coming of Income Tax
and the Gold Standard; and the Spanish-American War, including Colonel Theodore
Roosevelt on the Battle of San Juan Hill. The Alaska Gold Rush is described by
one of its pioneers, and this volume also contains speeches by William Jennings
Bryan, the text of the Hawaii Annexation Treaty, and contemporary press accounts
of the 1906 San Francisco earthquake.

Introduction To The Series

"After you've heard two eyewitness accounts of an auto accident, you begin to
worry about history." This observation, attributed to the comedian Henny
Youngman, summarizes the dilemma you face when you want to find out what really
happened in the past. When you read a history book, the "facts" are actually the
author's own interpretation, often colored by a conscious or unconscious wish to
have you share a particular point of view. You're one step (or many steps)
removed from the original source material.

That's why the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States compiled this 12-
volume collection of writings of people who actually witnessed the key events in
American history - the actual actors in the events or contemporary observers of
them. Past historians have spent decades locating, studying and consulting vast
amounts of material such as this. This meticulously chosen selection brings you
the essence of history as originally recorded by those who participated in it.

You'll be reading mostly eye-witness accounts, by people contemporary with the
events they describe, including many significant historical figures themselves.
So you can make your own assessments, draw your own conclusions and gain an
understanding of past events undistorted by the prejudices, assumptions and
selectivity of professional historians. In some instances where there aren't
reliable or easily accessible eye-witness accounts, the compilers have chosen
extracts from objective, authoritative historians of past generations such as
Francis Parkman whose judgements have stood the test of time. Through these
accounts, your knowledge of American history will be immeasurably greater, your
understanding of the key events in the building of the nation immensely
increased.

Founded in 1899, the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States (VFW) is a
nonprofit organization dedicated to foster camaderie among United States
veterans of overseas conflicts, from the Spanish-American War to Iraq and
Afghanistan, and to ensure that they receive due respect and entitlements for
the sacrifices they and their loved ones have made on behalf of the nation. With
this mission, the VFW has a natural desire to encourage a broad understanding
and appreciation of American history, and this essential collection of
historical documents makes a huge contribution to that aim.

This reissue was scanned, formatted and converted to e-book format by
Library4Science.com with the permission and encouragement of the VFW, to make
the series more accessible to a wider public. The VFW will receive 50% of all
sales revenue from these e-books. This book is about 300 print pages.
 

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Discussion Starter · #3 ·
This is an excerpt from "A New World Power" Volume 10 of the VFW series Great Crises in our History.

Henry Ford And The Automobile

By James Rood Doolittle.

A MOST interesting and informative chapter in Doolittle's "Romance of the Automobile Industry" is the accompanying account of Henry Ford and the great part he has played in what has come to be the foremost American industry, in point of financial magnitude. The article is given here by permission of the publishers, The Klebold Press, New York.


Ford, the premier automobile manufacturer of the world, is credited with making, in 1893, the second gasoline car to be operated successfully in the United States a car which "has been the strongest educational force the industry has produced."

In the Ford employ to-day--thirty-two years afterward are 100,000 persons turning out 8,500 automobiles every twenty-four hours. Their employer has instituted a profit-sharing plan whereby $10,000,000 has been distributed annually to employees, and has built for their free use a $2,000,000 hospital.

THE name of Henry Ford is known and his personality is respected wherever civilized man dwells. As head of the company that has produced or has scheduled for current production something like $700,000,000 of automobiles in eleven years, there can be no question about his rank in the industry. As the chief of 100,000 workmen, most of whom he developed from mere laborers to the grade of skilled mechanics, each deemed worthy of mechanics' wages but schooled to perform only a single operation, he has gained fame.

The world is interested in Henry Ford as a pacifist, educator and philanthropist, but the automobile industry recognizes in Ford a scientist, a bulldog fighter and a manufacturer par excellence.

Ford invented and built with his own hands a two-cylinder, four-cycle gasoline car that ran at the rate of twenty-five miles an hour in the spring of 1893. That places him so close to the top of the list of American automobile inventors that there is a doubt as to exactly how he ranks. From the best data available as to his status in the list, he should be credited with making the second gasoline car that ran in the United States. Duryea certainly built and ran a car in 1893 and tried out his Buggyaut, commenced in 1891, quite extensively before the date of Ford's first car, but the weight of the testimony is that Ford was second.

He fought the Selden patent to a standstill, without proving anticipation of its claims.

His car has been the strongest educational force the industry has produced, because the ranks of motorists are increased from the bottom and Ford cars are the first cars purchased by entries into the motor field in a large percentage of cases. The array of 1,500,000 Ford cars and the service they have done needs no emphasis here.

Henry Ford and the Ford car are the best advertisements the automobile industry has enjoyed. Speaking broadly, their value to the rest of the industry is incalculable.

Of full medium height, Mr. Ford is slenderly built but sinewy as hickory. Equipped with meager primary schooling, he has taken all the degrees conferred by the University of the World.

There has been an immense amount of flub-dub written about Ford's hardships; his luck and his genius, but the only real hardship he ever had was that he chose to work hard. He was successful because he worked out an important problem at the right time and his genius may be described as the logical sequence of the hard work and success.

Ford's genius rests upon his ability and willingness to do an astounding amount of work. He made a monumental success because he did the work and expended the intelligent effort at the right time, and then kept right on expending intelligent effort until the whole world recognized it.

Ford was the eldest of three sons and three daughters, born to William Ford, native of Ireland but of English blood, who emigrated to this country and settled eight miles west of Detroit, Michigan, in 1847. The young Irish-English immigrant was a man of strong personality and was a steady and moderately successful farmer. He married Mary Litogot some years after reaching Michigan, and Henry Ford Was born July 30, 1863.

A great storm of criticism and protest has been raised concerning the attitude of Ford toward war. Opinions may differ according to the partisanship of those who hold them, but the stern position assumed by Ford is perfectly clear and logical from his point of view. Hatred of war comes naturally to Henry Ford, for he was born to the sound of fife and drum. His mother listened to the tramp of armed hosts and heard the dismal music of the funeral bands; the wailing bugle call of "Taps" over the graves of fallen warriors. She saw an endless line of maimed men come back from the battle front and she gave to Henry Ford an inherited aversion to war that is as deeply ingrained in his being as it is possible for anything to be.
 

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Discussion Starter · #4 ·
This is an excerpt from "A New World Power" Volume 10 of the VFW series Great Crises in our History.

The Battle Of Manila Bay

By Commodore George Dewey.

THESE are the dispatches from Commodore Dewey to the Navy Department which electrified the country with news of his overwhelming victory at Manila Bay within a fortnight of the declaration of war. The action, which lasted from 5:41 a. m. (with an interruption of three hours) till 12:30 p. m., May 1, 1898, ended in the destruction of 11 Spanish vessels and the silencing of the fortifications. The American casualties were 7 wounded; Spain admitted a loss of 634 killed and wounded. Incidentally, a shot was fired across the bow of one of the German warships in the harbor to impress the German admiral with the fact that the American navy had established a blockade. It was respected.

Dewey received the thanks of Congress and the title of admiral for life. Thus the hero of Manila Bay was an active officer in the navy at the age of eighty, when he died, in 1917.


SECRETARY OF THE NAVY, Washington : The squadron arrived at Manila at daybreak this morning. Immediately engaged enemy and destroyed the following Spanish vessels : "Reins Christina," "Castillia," "Don Antonio de Biloa," "Don Juan de Austria," "Isla de Luzon,""Isla de Cuba," "General Lezo," "Marquis del Duaro," "El Curren," "Velasco," one transport, "Isla de Mandano," water battery at Cavite. I shall destroy Cavite arsenal dispensatory. The squadron is uninjured. Few men were slightly wounded. I request the Department will send immediately from San Francisco fast steamer with ammunition. The only means of telegraphing is to the American consul at Hongkong.

DEWEY.... HONGKONG, MAY 7. 1898. (MANILA, MAY 1.)

SIR: I have the honor to submit the following report of the operations of the squadron under my command:

The squadron left Mirs Bay on April 27, immediately on the arrival of Mr. O. F. Williams, United States consul at Manila, who brought important information and who accompanies the squadron.

Arrived off Bolinao on the morning of April 30 and, finding no vessels there, proceeded down the coast and arrived off the entrance to Manila Bay on the same afternoon.

The "Boston" and "Concord" were sent to reconnoiter Port Subic, I having been informed that the enemy intended to take position there. A thorough search of the port was made by the "Boston" and "Concord," but the Spanish fleet was not found, although, from a letter afterwards found in the arsenal . . . it appears that it had been their intention to go there.

Entered the Boca Grande, or south channel, at 11 :30 p. m., steaming in column at distance at 8 knots. After half the squadron had passed, a battery on the south side of the channel opened fire, none of the shots taking effect. The "Boston" and "McCulloch" returned the fire.
 

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Discussion Starter · #5 ·
This is an excerpt from "A New World Power" Volume 10 of the VFW series Great Crises in our History.

The Discovery Of Gold In Alaska

By Dr. L. H. French.

DR. FRENCH, from whose "Nome Nuggets" this account of the discovery of gold, in 1899, and pioneer mining operations in Alaska is taken, by permission of Montross, Clarke & Emmons, headed an expedition which installed the first hydraulic mining outfit on the site of Nome, at the mouth of the Snake River, in 1900.

The gold output of the Nome district in that year was more than $5,000,000, and in the following year it was estimated at $7,000,000. During that period a "mushroom" settlement of tents, first called Anvil City, sprung up. Gradually it gave place to a permanent city of frame structures, and there now exists a fully organized municipality, compactly built along the beach, electrically lighted and equipped with a good water system. The last census recorded a population of about 5,000.


GOLD was first discovered at Nome in July, 1898. The discovery was made by men who had been up the coast, who were returning, and whose schooner was capsized in a storm off the mouth of Snake River. After doing a little prospecting they hastened to Golovin Bay where they induced others to return with them to Cape Nome. A considerable number of men did so and made valuable discoveries on the creeks, the presence of gold in the beach not being then known. By this time, as winter was setting in, they went back to Golovin Bay. Of course, after they arrived there, the news being too good to keep, every one heard of their luck. In a few hours there was a general stampede from Golovin Bay to the new diggings. Word was sent to Council City, and on the 18th of November the exodus from that place began. Shortly afterwards the news reached St. Michael, where men from Nome had gold dust to back up their statements, and spent it freely, in stores and with trading companies, for mining tools and provisions to take back with them.

This caused a great deal of excitement among the employees of the stores at St. Michael. In five days many had secured dog teams and provisions, and were on their way over the ice to the new land of gold.

In three weeks the place was nearly deserted, the same being the case with other small camps nearby. The news spread to the villages along the Yukon. Soon scores of dog teams, laden with provisions, passed through St. Michael, en route for this icy Eldorado.

Most of the men had powers of attorney to stake claims for their friends some even had powers of attorney for their wives and children in the States. In this way claims in the Nome district were taken up. In a short time, when navigation opened, newcomers could find little ground that was not staked. During the summer of 1899 about five thousand people gathered near Cape Nome, and whatever ground remained unclaimed was then taken up. Gold was found in abundance. The transportation companies were largely instrumental in advertising the supposed richness of the beach. During the summer of 1900 gold remained in the beach at Cape Nome in small quantities, but the best of it had been taken out in 1899.

The great richness of the country, which can hardly be overestimated, lies not in the beach, but in the interior. So far only placer claims have been worked, although many valuable quartz claims have been located, and next season will see many of them in operation.

The climate of Nome is, for the most part, anything but agreeable. The weather during last July was ideal, the mean temperature being 52 F., though the nights were very cold. In August continuous rain set in, accompanied by high winds. Only those who are physically strong should venture into this country, as the hardships to be endured are of the severest kind. Those going there should, under no circumstances, take their wives and children.
 

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This is an excerpt from "A New World Power" Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

The Destruction Of The "Maine" In Havana Harbor

A Contemporary Press Account.

IN these dispatches from Havana to the New York "Sun," dated February 15-16, 1898, is recounted the tragic bombing of the United States battle-ship "Maine" in Havana Harbor, resulting in the death of 226 American officers and men and the complete destruction of the ship.

A court of inquiry, Captain (afterwards Admiral) W. T. Sampson presiding, promptly reported that the vessel was destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine. This finding was confirmed by a joint army and navy board, headed by Admiral Charles E. Vreeland, fourteen years later, When the wreck of the "Maine" was floated, towed to sea and sunk. Responsibility for the explosion was never definitely fixed, although there has never been any doubt of its Spanish agency.

Cuba, under Governor-General Blanco, was in a state of insurrection at the time, and the "Maine," Which was moored to a government buoy, was in the harbor for the purpose of protecting American lives and property.


HAVANA, February 15. The noise of a terrible explosion startled Havana at ten o'clock to-night. It was soon learned by the people who flocked to the water-front, whence the sound proceeded, that the explosion had occurred on the United States battle-ship "Maine" in the harbor. Definite particulars are not as yet ascertainable, but it seems certain that many persons on board the "Maine" were killed and wounded, and possibly the ship is so badly injured that she can not be saved. From the Spanish cruiser "Alfonso XII" boats were at once dispatched to the site of the "Maine" to render assistance. No explanation of the explosion is obtainable at this time. Whether one of the ship's magazines blew up, or bombs were placed beside her and set off by Spaniards is not known. Because of the excitement in the city the military authorities ordered troops to quarters, and the streets were filled with jostling crowds of excited citizens and soldiers.

Havana, February 16.-2 A. M. By a miracle Captain Sigsbee and most of the officers of the "Maine" were taken off in safety, but one hundred of the crew, it is believed, were killed. Many of the survivors were taken off by the boats of the Spanish cruiser "Alfonso XII.- At this moment the hull of the ship is burning, the flames illuminating the harbor and making a striking scene for thousands gathered on the water-front. It is apparent to observers on shore that the vessel is sinking rapidly to the bottom of the bay. The entire city is panic stricken.

Washington, February 16.-4 A. M. Secretary Long has received this telegram from Captain Sigsbee:

"'Maine' blown up in Havana Harbor 9:40 P. M. and destroyed. Many wounded and doubtless more killed and drowned. Wounded and others on board Spanish man-of-war and Ward Line steamer. Send lighthouse-tenders from Key West for crew and few pieces of equipment still above water. No one had other clothes than then upon him. Public opinion should be suspended till further report. All officers believed to be saved. Jenkins and Merritt not yet accounted for. Many Spanish officers, including representatives of General Blanco, now with me, and express sympathy.

"Sigsbee."

Havana, February 16.-4 P. M. Witnesses of the explosion that destroyed the "Maine" say that at the moment of concussion a vast mass was seen to rise to a great height. In the sudden and blinding light no one seems to have been able to discern the nature of this mass or whether it rose from beside the battle-ship or inside it. Up to this time there are reported 251 killed and 99 wounded. Immediately after the report small boats hurrying to the spot from all sides picked up twenty-eight wounded men struggling in the water. Of them six were on the point of succumbing when pulled in. They were taken on board the "City of Washington" and cared for. Not one of the wounded in the military hospital has died up to this hour, but the condition of several is precarious. The "Mascotte" will take to Key West some of the injured who are in condition to be moved. American vessels are expected at any moment to arrive for the purpose of rendering any assistance possible.
 

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This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

The Panic Of 1893

By Alexander D. Noyes.

NOYES, from whose "Forty Years of American Finance" this account is taken, by permission of G. P. Putnam's Sons, is a foremost historian of the industrial and financial life of America. As financial editor of the New York "Evening Post" from 1891 to 1920, he was in an admirable position to observe and report the panic of 1893. He wrote a Free Coinage Catechism, of which 2,000,000 copies were circulated in 1896, and various other monographs on the financial question.

Unlike preceding and succeeding panics in this country, that of 1893 was the sequel to an orgy of reckless investments of American capital in foreign countries. The panic was hastened by the collapse of an important railroad company, and an industrial corporation that had been paying dividends illegally. Wrecked in the panic were 172 State banks, 177 private banks, 47 savings banks, 13 loan and trust companies and 16 mortgage companies.


THE Treasury was confronted for the first time in its history with a heavy drain on its gold reserve to redeem outstanding notes. During nine months Secretary Foster was engaged in a continuous struggle to save the redemption fund. The strain relaxed temporarily in the autumn of 1892, when interior trade was again very large. Practically no gold was imported, but, on the other hand, exports ceased almost entirely. Moreover, upward of $25,000,000 legal tenders were drawn from the New York banks to the West and South, and the Treasury obtained some gold from these institutions in exchange for notes delivered at interior points. But when the eastward flow of currency began again, at the end of the harvest season, gold exports were resumed and with them the presentation of legal tenders for redemption. In December, 1892, and January, 1893, upward of $25,000,000 gold was withdrawn by note-holders from the Treasury to provide for export needs.

By the close of January the Treasury's gold reserve had fallen to a figure barely eight millions over the legal minimum. With February's early withdrawals even larger, Secretary Foster so far lost hope of warding off the crisis that he gave orders to prepare the engraved plates for a bond-issue under the Resumption Act. As a last resort, however, he bethought himself of Secretary Manning's gold-borrowing operations of 1885. In February Mr. Foster came in person to New York to urge the banks to give up gold voluntarily in exchange for the Treasury's legal-tender surplus.

Such a situation could not continue long. The very sight of this desperate struggle going on to maintain the public credit was sufficient to alarm both home and foreign interests, and this alarm was now reflected everywhere. The feverish money market, the disordered and uneasy market for securities, and the renewed advance in foreign exchange, combined to bring matters to a head. On April 15, Secretary Carlisle gave notice that issue of Treasury gold certificates should be suspended. This action was taken merely in conformity with the Law of 1882, already cited. It was, however, public announcement that, for the first time since resumption of specie payments, the reserve against the legal tenders had fallen below the statutory minimum.

The news provoked immediate and uneasy inquiry as to what the Treasury's next move would be. No definite advices came from Washington, but in the following week a very unexpected and financially alarming rumor ran through the markets. Out of the $25,000,000 legal tenders redeemed in gold during March and April, 1893, nearly $11,000,000 had been Treasury notes of 1890. Under one clause of the Law of 1890 the Secretary was empowered to "redeem such notes in gold or silver coin at his discretion." The burden of the rumor of April 17th was that the Treasury, now that its gold reserve had actually fallen below the legal limit, would refuse further redemption of these notes in gold, and would tender only silver coin. During the two or three days in which this rumor circulated, general misgiving and uneasiness prevailed, the security markets fell into great disorder, foreign exchange again rose rapidly, and the money market ran up to the panicky rate of fifteen percent.

The public mind was on the verge of panic. During a year or more, it had been continuously disturbed by the undermining of the Treasury, a process visible to all observers. The financial situation in itself was vulnerable. In all probability, the crash of 1893 would have come twelve months before, had it not been for the accident of 1891's great harvest, in the face of European famine.

The panic of 1893, in its outbreak and in its culmination, followed the several successive steps familiar to all such episodes. One or two powerful corporations, which had been leading in the general plunge into debt, gave the first signals of distress. On February 20th, the Philadelphia and Reading Railway Company, with a capital of forty millions and a debt of more than $125,000,000, went into bankruptcy; on the 5th of May, the National Cordage Company, with twenty millions capital and ten millions liabilities, followed suit. The management of both these enterprises had been marked by the rashest sort of speculation ; both had been favorites on the speculative markets. The Cordage Company in particular had kept in the race for debt up to the moment of its ruin. In the very month of the company's insolvency its directors declared a heavy cash dividend; paid, as may be supposed, out of capital. As it turned out, the failure of this notorious undertaking was the blow that undermined the structure of speculative credit. In January, National Cordage stock had advanced twelve per cent. on the New York market, selling at 147. Sixteen weeks later, it fell below ten dollars per share, and with it, during the opening week of May, the whole stock market collapsed. The bubble of inflated credit having been thus punctured, a general movement of liquidation started. This movement immediately developed very serious symptoms. Of these symptoms the most alarming was the rapid withdrawal of cash reserves from the city banks.
 

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This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

The First Airplane To Fly Successfully

By Orville and Wilbur Wright.

THE Wright brothers, from whose "Early History of the Airplane" this account is taken, accomplished their first successful flight with a heavier-than-air biplane, at Kitty Hawk, North Carolina, on December 17, 1903. It lasted twelve seconds and was the first time in the history of the world that a machine carrying a man raised itself by its own power into the air in free flight, sailed forward on a level course, and landed safely.

Of the brothers, Wilbur, who died in 1912, made a spectacular flight, in 1909, from Governor's Island up the Hudson to Grant's Tomb, during the Hudson-Fulton celebration in New York. He and his brother, Orville, were awarded gold medals by the French Academy of Sciences in that year. Their machine was afterward adopted by the United States army, and the French patents were sold for $100,000.


THOUGH the subject of aerial navigation is generally considered new, it has occupied the minds of men more or less from the earliest ages. Our personal interest in it dates from our childhood days. Late in the autumn of 1878 our father came into the house one evening with some object partly concealed in his hands, and before we could see what it was, he tossed it into the air. Instead of falling to the floor, as we expected, it flew across the room, till it struck the ceiling, where it fluttered awhile, and finally sank to the floor. It was a little toy, known to scientists as a "helicopter," but which we, with sublime disregard for science, at once dubbed a "bat." It was a light frame of cork and bamboo, covered with paper, which formed two screws, driven in opposite directions by rubber bands under torsion. A toy so delicate lasted only a short time in the hands of small boys, but its memory was abiding.

Several years later we began building these helicopters for ourselves, making each one larger than that preceding. But, to our astonishment, we found that the larger the "bat" the less it flew. We did not know that a machine having only twice the linear dimensions of another would require eight times the power. We finally became discouraged, and returned to kite-flying, a sport to which we had devoted so much attention that we were regarded as experts. But as we became older we had to give up this fascinating sport as unbecoming to boys of our ages.

It was not till the news of the sad death of Lilienthal reached America in the summer of 1896 that we again gave more than passing attention to the subject of flying. We then studied with great interest Chanute's "Progress in Flying Machines," Langley's "Experiments in Aerodynamics," the "Aeronautical Annuals" of 1905, 1906, and 1907, and several pamphlets published by the Smithsonian Institution, especially articles by Lilienthal and extracts from Mouillard's "Empire of the Air." The larger works gave us a good understanding of the nature of the flying problem, and the difficulties in past attempts to solve it, while Mouillard and Lilienthal, the great missionaries of the flying cause, infected us with their own unquenchable enthusiasm, and transformed idle curiosity into the active zeal of workers.

In the field of aviation there were two schools. The first, represented by such men as Professor Langley and Sir Hiram Maxim, gave chief attention to power flight; the second, represented by Lilienthal, Moullard and Chanute, to soaring flight. Our sympathies were with the latter school, partly from impatience at the wasteful extravagance of mounting delicate and costly machinery on wings which no one knew how to manage, and partly, no doubt, from the extraordinary charm and enthusiasm with which the apostles of soaring flight set forth the beauties of sailing through the air on fixed wings, deriving the motive power from the wind itself.

The balancing of a flyer may seem, at first thought, to be a very simple matter, yet almost every experimenter had found in this one point which he could not satisfactorily master. Many different methods were tried. Some experimenters placed the center of gravity far below the wings, in the belief that the weight would naturally seek to remain at the lowest point. It is true, that, like the pendulum, it tended to seek the lowest point; but also, like the pendulum, it tended to oscillate in a manner destructive of all stability. A more satisfactory system, especially for lateral balance, was that of arranging the wings in the shape of a broad V, to form a dihedral angle, with the center low and the wing-tips elevated. In theory this was an automatic system, but in practice it had two serious defects: first, it tended to keep the machine oscillating ; and second, its usefulness was restricted to calm air.

In a slightly modified form the same system was applied to the fore-and-aft balance. The main aeroplane was set at a positive angle, and a horizontal tail at a negative angle, while the center of gravity was placed far forward. As in the case of lateral control, there was a tendency to constant undulation, and the very forces which caused a restoration of balance in calms caused a disturbance of the balance in winds. Notwithstanding the known limitations of this principle, it had been embodied in almost every prominent flying machine which had been built.
 

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This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

The Boxer Rebellion In China

Account of an Eye-Witness.

IN "Indiscreet Letters from Pekin," edited by B. L. Putnam Weale and published by Dodd, Mead & Company, an eye-witness thus describes the Boxer insurrection of 1900 in China. The organization known as Boxers (meaning "The Fist of Righteous Harmony") was a sort of Chinese Ku Klux Klan organized to defend China against foreign aggression. The movement was secretly encouraged by the Chinese Dowager Empress, who gloated over the wholesale torture and killing of foreigners.

Havoc reigned in Pekin, Tien-tsin and elsewhere until a relief force of 12,000 combined British, American, German, Russian and Japanese troops captured Pekin on August 15, 1900. The Dowager Empress and Court had fled. Eventually an indemnity of $735,000,000 was demanded of China. Through the good offices of the American government, this was reduced one-half, and of its portion of the award the United States refunded $13,000,000 to a grateful China.


I AM convinced that not only does everything come to him who knows how to wait, but that sooner or later everybody meets with their deserts.

The British Legation, allowed to sink into a somewhat somnolent condition owing to its immunity from direct attack, has been now rudely awakened. Fires commencing in earnest yesterday, after a few half-hearted attempts made previously, have been raging in half a dozen different places in this huge compound ; and one incendiary, creeping in with the stealthiness of a cat, threw his torches so skilfully that for at least an hour the fate of the Ministerial residences hung in the balance, and Ministerial fears assumed alarming proportions. Again I was satisfied; everybody should sooner or later meet with their deserts.

I have already said how the British Legation is situated. Protected on the east and south entirely by the other Legations and linked defenses, it can run no risk from these quarters until the defenders of these lines are beaten back by superior weight of numbers. Partially protected on the west, owing to the fact that an immense grass-grown park renders approach from this quarter without carefully entrenching and barricading simple suicide, there remain but two points of meager dimensions at which the Chinese attack can be successfully developed without much preliminary preparation ; the narrow northern end and a southwestern point formed by a regular rabbit-warren of Chinese houses that push right up to the Legation walls. It is precisely at these two points that the Chinese, with their peculiar methods of attack, directed their best efforts.

Beginning in earnest at the northern end, after some inconsiderable efforts on the southwestern corner, they set fire to the sacro-sanct Hanlin Yuan, which is at once the Oxford and Cambridge, the Heidelberg and the Sorbonne of the eighteen provinces of China rolled into one, and is revered above all other earthly things by the Chinese scholar. In the spacious halls of the Hanlin Academy, which back against the flanking wall of the British Legation, are gathered in mighty piles the literature and labors of the premier scholars of the Celestial Empire. Here complete editions of Gargantuan compass; vast cyclopedia copied by hand and running into thousands of volumes; essays dating from the time of dynasties now almost forgotten ; woodblocks black with age crowded the endless unvarnished shelves. In an empire where scholarship has attained an untrammeled pedantry never dreamed of in the remote West, in a country where a perfect knowledge of the classics is respected by beggar and prince to such an extent that to attempt to convey an idea would cause laughter in Europe, all of us thought even the pessimists that it could never happen that this holy of holies would be desecrated by fire. Listen to what happened.

To the sound of a heavy rifle-fire, designed to frustrate all efforts at extinguishing the dread fire-demon, the flaming torch was applied by Chinese soldiery to half a dozen different places, and almost before anybody knew it, the holy of holies was lustily ablaze. As the flames shot skywards, advertising the danger to the most purblind, everybody at last became energetic and sank their feuds. British marines and volunteers were formed up and independent commands rushed over from the other lines ; a hole was smashed through a wall, and the mixed force poured raggedly into the enclosures beyond. They had to clamber over obstacles, through tightly jammed doors, under falling beams, occasionally halting to volley heavily until they had cleared all the ground around the Hanlin, and found perhaps half a ton of empty brass cartridge cases left by the enemy, who had discreetly flown. From a safe distance snipers, hidden from view and untraceable, kept on firing steadily; but they were careful not to advance.

Meanwhile the flames were spreading rapidly, the century-old beams and rafters crackling with a most alarming fierceness which threatened to engulf the adjacent buildings of the Legation. What huge flames they were! The priceless literature was also catching fire, so the dragon-adorned pools and wells in the peaceful Hanlin courtyards were soon choked with the tens of thousands of books that were heaved in by many willing hands. At all costs this fire must be checked. Dozens of men from the British Legation, hastily whipped into action by sharp words, were now pushed into the burning Hanlin College, abandoning their tranquil occupation of committee meetings and commissariat work, which had been engaging their attention since the first shots had been fired on the 20th, and thus reenforced the marines and the volunteers soon made short work of twenty centuries of literature. Beautiful silk-covered volumes, illumined by hand and written by masters of the Chinese brush, were pitched unceremoniously here and there by the thousand with utter disregard. Sometimes a sinologue, of whom there are plenty in the Legations, unable to restrain himself at the sight of these literary riches which in any other times would be utterly beyond his reach, would select an armful of volumes and attempt to fight his way back through the flames to where he might deposit his burden in safety; but soon the way was barred by marines with stern orders to stop such literary looting. Some of these books were worth their weight in gold. A few managed to get through with their spoils, and it is possible that missing copies of China's literature may be some day resurrected in strange lands.
 

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This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

Civil Government In Cuba

By Governor-General Leonard Wood.

HAVING, with Roosevelt, recruited and commanded the famous regiment of Rough Riders during the Santiago campaign, subsequently becoming a major-general of volunteers, Wood was made military governor of Santiago on the capture of that city by the American forces. He displayed such administrative ability that, in 1899, he was chosen to succeed General Brooke as Governor-General of the entire island of Cuba, and filled the position with marked distinction until the United States formally withdrew from the island, in 1902.

During his administration extensive public improvements were effected. In 1901 the Cuban people adopted a Constitution, superseding the Bill of Rights which was first given them, as General Wood relates, and elected Estrada Palma their first President. This account is contained in "Cuba: Civil Report of General Wood," made to Congress in 1901.


WHEN the American authorities took charge of the province of Santiago de Cuba they found the civil affairs of the province in a condition of complete chaos. The treasuries of all the different municipalities were empty; the offices were vacant; public records, such as had not been burnt or destroyed, were bundled up in abandoned buildings. The courts had ceased to exist. In fact, there was only a semblance of any form of civil government. In many of the towns a few members of the old "Guardia Civil" still continued to maintain an appearance of order, but, practically speaking, there had been a complete destruction of civil government, and it rested with the newcomers to do what they would toward reestablishing a proper form of government which would give the people necessary protection, and guarantee such a condition of order as would once more tend to reestablish business and invite the confidence of outside capital.

The idea with which this work has been done is first to reestablish the municipalities upon the simplest and most economical basis consistent with a fair degree of efficiency. Of course it was impossible to change altogether the old system. We have had to begin, even in the little towns, by appointing a mayor, a secretary and one or two municipal police officers, simply because this was the system to which the people for many generations had been accustomed; but in making these appointments every effort has been made to select the best men and an adequate service for the salary paid has been insisted upon. Under the old system men went to their offices at 9 a. m., left at 11 a. m. and came back for an hour in the afternoon. There were a great many clerks, many of whom were totally unnecessary. In each little town one found a great many officials doing very little, no school houses, no sanitary regulations in fact nothing indicative of a high degree of civilization. It was a pedantic humbug from top to bottom. In place of this condition, we, so far as possible with the limited time and means at our command, have reestablished these little towns, giving them the officers absolutely necessary to maintain an efficient administration of the public business.

We insisted upon a thorough sanitary supervision of the towns, a thorough cleaning up of the streets, private houses, yards, courts, etc., the reestablishing of the schools in the best buildings obtainable ; a prompt monthly payment of the teachers' salaries ; the forbidding of public school teachers having private pupils in the public schools a condition which existed formerly and led to great abuses. Every effort has been made toward the reestablishment of the courts upon the most economical basis consistent with prompt transaction of the public business. The entire judicial machinery of the province has been put in operation upon an economical basis. At the head of this judicial system stands the Supreme Court of the province, which is supreme only for the time being, as upon the establishment of the Supreme Court for the island it will continue simply as the Audiencia or Superior Court of the province, from which an appeal can be taken to Havana. The greatest evil of the present system is in the method of criminal procedure. Persons accused are often months in prison before trial. . . . I have done what I could to remedy this condition by making offenses not capital bailable, and by establishing the writ of habeas corpus. The police is also to apply a large portion of the public revenue to the reconstruction of roads, bridges, etc., and to encourage, throughout the province, in all the larger towns, such sanitary reformation as the means at hand would permit.

To the people was given a "Bill of Rights," which guaranteed to them the freedom of the press, the right to assemble peaceably, the right to seek redress for grievances, the right of habeas corpus, and the right to present bail for all offenses not capital. Every effort was made to impress upon them the fact that the civil law must in all free countries be absolutely supreme, and that all classes of people must recognize the authority of the officers of the law, whether represented by the ordinary policeman or by the judges of the Supreme Court. . . . In fact every effort was made to impress upon them the fact that people can do as they wish so long as they do not violate the law. On the other hand they were told, in unmistakable terms, that any and all infractions of the civil law would be punished severely, and that individuals resisting arrest would be taken even at the cost of their lives. Of course all this was under military government. Every effort was made, however, to remove the military as far as practicable from the situation. The intention was to reestablish rather than to replace the civil government. Men were appointed to office solely for their fitness for the position, and their selection was never made arbitrarily, but always upon the recommendation of the best citizens. I do not mean the best men in the social sense, or in any other sense than those best qualified by experience and ability to judge of the fitness of the various applicants for office.

I do not believe that just at present the people are in a condition to be taken further into the administration of civil affairs than indicated above. Before proceeding further it will be necessary to complete the organization of the schools ; get the courts into thorough running order and, what is very important, to get all the municipalities established upon an efficient basis, making them thoroughly self-supporting; to do all that can be done to get the people back to their plantations and at work; to reopen the roads and make them passable, thus enabling people to get their produce to the seacoast and to the markets ; to establish enough rural police to keep things quiet and orderly in the interior. After these conditions have been well established and found to be in good working order then we can begin to consider seriously the remaining details of civil government. Just at present it is well to stop, for a short time at least, where we are.

It must be remembered that a large portion of the population is illiterate and they have never had any extensive participation in the affairs of government, not even in municipal affairs, and, until they thoroughly understand the handling of small affairs, they certainly are not fitted to undertake larger ones. In other words, let us begin from the bottom and build on a secure foundation rather than start at the top to remodel the whole fabric of civil government.
 

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This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

The Capture Of Aguinaldo

By Brigadier-General Frederick Funston.

Funston, whose account of the capture of the Filipino insurrection leader is given here by permission on of "Scribner's Magazine," in which it originally appeared, went to the Philippines in 1898 as colonel of the Twentieth Kansas Volunteers, and in the following year was made a brigadier-general for bravery at Calumpit. In March, 1901, he commanded the expedition which surprised and captured Aguinaldo in the manner described, at Palanan, Island of Luzon.

On April 2, 1901, Aguinaldo formally took the oath of allegiance to the United States. For two years he had braved the military power of this country, leading an unsuccessful attack on Manila on February 4-5, 1899, and thereafter conducting a guerilla warfare in behalf of Filipino independence.

After performing this exploit, Funston was in command of the department of California, and during the San Francisco earthquake of April, 1906, placed the city under martial Ian, and brought order out of chaos.


IT was the 8th day of February, 1901, and in the room that served as an office in the headquarters building at San Isidro, I was going over the morning's work with the adjutant-general of the district, Captain E. V. Smith, when there arrived a telegram that for the moment disturbed our equanimity a brief message that was to have no small part in the making of the history of the Philippine insurrection. It was signed by Lieutenant J. D. Taylor, Twenty-fourth Infantry, commanding the company of that regiment that constituted the garrison of the town of Pantabangan, about sixty miles to the north-east, at the foot of the western slope of the massive mountain range that separates the great central plain of Luzon from the Pacific coast of the island, and was to the effect that a small band of insurgent soldiers had voluntarily presented themselves to him, and that the man in command had stated that he was the bearer of dispatches from Emilio Aguinaldo to certain subordinates in central and southern Luzon. The letters addressed to Baldomero, Aguinaldo, Alejandrino, Urbano Lacuna, Pablo Tecson, Simon Tecson, Teodoro Sandico, and other insurgent leaders, were in cipher and so could not be read, and evidently signed fictitiously, though in a handwriting that seemed to resemble that of Aguinaldo.

For more than a year the exact whereabouts of the elusive chieftain of the insurgent Filipinos had been a mystery. Rumor located him in all sorts of impossible places, but those best qualified to judge thought that he was somewhere in the great valley of the Cagayan, in the northern part of the island, or in one of the extensive mountain ranges on either side of it. Probably few if any of those in high command among the insurgent forces knew where he was, as he was taking every precaution against treachery, or the disclosure of his hiding-place by the capture of correspondence, having gone so far as to forbid that the name of his temporary capital should be put on paper in any of the letters sent out by himself or staff. A few trusted men saw that letters to him reached their destination.

The period of guerilla warfare that had succeeded the heavier fighting of the earlier days of the insurrection-had now lasted more than a year and a half, and it must be confessed that from our stand-point the results had not been satisfactory. Scattered all over the Philippines we had more than seventy thousand troops, counting native auxiliaries, and these in detachments varying in size from a regiment to less than a company garrisoned every town of importance and many places that were mere villages. Through the country everywhere were the enemy's guerilla bands, made up not only of the survivors of the forces that had fought us earlier in the war, but of men who had been recruited or conscripted since. We had almost worn ourselves out chasing these marauders, and it was only occasionally by effecting a surprise or through some streak of good fortune that we were able to inflict any punishment on them, and such successes were only local and had little effect on general conditions. These guerillas persistently violated all the rules that are supposed to govern the conduct of civilized people engaged in war, while the fact that they passed rapidly from the status of peaceful non-combatants living in our garrisoned towns to that of men in arms against us made it especially difficult for us to deal with them. It was realized that Aguinaldo from his hiding-place, wherever it might be, exercised through their local chiefs a sort of general control over these guerilla bands, and as he was insistent that the Filipinos should not accept American rule, and as he was still recognized as the head and front of the insurrection, many of us had long felt that the thing could not end until he was either out of the way, or a prisoner in our hands.

Therefore it was but natural that the telegram from Lieutenant Taylor should have created no little excitement, though as I now recollect the circumstances I do not believe that it occurred to any one of us that we would be able to do more than transmit the information for what it might be worth to higher authority, the plan which afterward worked so successfully being evolved later. It was directed that the leader of the surrendered band, with the correspondence that he had given up, be sent to San Isidro with all possible speed. With an escort of soldiers he arrived in less than two days, and proved to be a very intelligent Ilocano, giving his name as Cecilio Segismundo. After being well fed he told me the story of his recent adventures.

According to his story, he was one of the men attached to Aguinaldo's head-quarters and had been with him many months, his principal duty being such errands as the one that he had now been sent out on, that is, carrying official mail between the insurgent chief and his subordinates. On the 14th of January, accompanied by a detachment of twelve armed men of Aguinaldo's escort, he had left with a package of letters to be delivered to Urbano Lacuna, the insurgent chief in Nueva Ecija province, who was to forward to their final destinations those that were not meant for him. After a terrible journey down the coast and through mountains he had, in the vicinity of Baler, encountered a small detachment of our troops out on a scouting expedition and had lost two of his men. After this encounter Segismundo and his little band had made their way across the pass through the mountain range to the westward, and finally, twenty-six days after leaving Palanan, had reached the outskirts of the town of Pantabangan. Here, foot-weary and hungry, he communicated with the local "presidents," or mayor, who had formerly acted in the same capacity for the insurgent government that he was now filling under American rule.

Segismundo then went on to tell of conditions at Palanan. Aguinaldo with several officers of his staff and an escort of about fifty uniformed and well-armed men had been there for several months, and had been in constant communication with his various subordinates by means of messengers. The residents of the town and most of the soldiers of his escort were not aware of his identity. He passed as "Captain Emilio," and by those who did not know him to be Aguinaldo was supposed to be merely a subordinate officer of the insurrection.

Our attention was now given to the surrendered correspondence, but those not in cipher contained little of importance.

The most important letter and the one that was the final undoing of its writer, was to his cousin, Baldomero Aguinaldo, then in command of the insurgent bands operating in Cavite province just south of Manila.

This directed the person to whom it was addressed to proceed at once to the "Centre of Luzon,' I and, using the communication as authority, to supersede in command Jose Alejandrino, who evidently was not giving satisfaction to his chieftain. As soon as he had established himself in command, Baldomero was to direct his subordinates, that is Lacuna, Mascardo, Simon and Pablo Tecson, and possibly one or two others to send him detachments of men until the aggregate should reach about four hundred.

By morning I had thought out the general features of the plan which was eventually to succeed.

It was settled beyond the possibility of a doubt that no force the nature of which was known could even get within several days' march of him. So the only recourse was to work a stratagem, that is to get to him under false colors. It would be so impossible to disguise our own troops, that they were not even considered, and dependence would have to be placed on the Macabebes, those fine little fighters, taking their name from their home town, who had always been loyal to Spain and who had now transferred their loyalty to the United States. As it would be absolutely essential to have along some American officers to direct matters and deal with such emergencies as might arise, they were to accompany the expedition as supposed prisoners who had been captured on the march, and were not to throw off that disguise until there was no longer necessity for concealment.

In order to pave the way for the bogus reinforcements, which were supposed to be those from Lacuna's command, it was considered essential to have them preceded by letters from that individual. . . . Aguinaldo himself afterward told me that it was the supposed letters from Lacuna that threw him entirely off his guard and caused him to welcome the supposed reinforcements.

On the night of March 6th the "Vicksburg" slipped out of Manila Bay, and steered south in order to pass through the straits of San Bernardino.

Fortunately for us, the weather was thick and squally, and at one o'clock on the morning of the 14th, the "Vicksburg" having very carefully approached the coast, with all her lights screened, we were landed in the ship's boats.
 

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This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

The Debs Railway Strike

By Harry Thurston Peck.

THE industrial unrest that grotesquely advertised itself early in 1894 by the march of Coxey's "Army" on Washington, was more sternly manifested later in the same year by the great railway strike directed by Eugene V. Debs. As Peck states in his "Thirty Years of the Republic," from which this account is taken, by permission of Dodd, Mead & Company, the strike had its inception in a wage disagreement between the arbitrary Pullman Company and its employees. The Pullman workers were backed up by the American Railway Union, of which Debs was the head, and in the clash that followed between the strikers and Federal troops many lives were lost.

Debs was indicted and jailed for contempt, because of his management of the strike, which failed. Subsequently the indictments for conspiracy found by a Federal Grand Jury were dismissed. Five times he became the Socialist candidate for President. In 1918 Debs was sentenced to ten years' imprisonment for violation of the Espionage Act.


IN 1886, the capitalists who controlled or owned the twenty-four railways which then entered the city of Chicago, had formed a voluntary association known as the General Managers' Association. This body had for its main purpose the effective and arbitrary control of all persons employed by the railways it represented in the association. Wages were cut down according to a general agreement, Discharged workmen were "blacklisted," so that they could not easily get new employment. With no standing whatever in law, the Managers' Association was establishing a complete control of the independence and even of the livelihood of thousands of railway employees.

To offset this combination of the owners, the men had organized, in 1893, the American Railway Union. The two bodies, antagonistic as they were in their special interests, came into conflict early in 1894, over a question which did not in its origin directly concern either of them.

The Pullman Palace Car Company was not a railway corporation, but was engaged in manufacturing cars which it operated through written contracts with the railways. It was a highly prosperous concern, and George M. Pullman, its president, had won much commendation from philanthropic sociologists for having built the pretty little village of Pullman, near Chicago, where employees of the company could at moderate rentals find houses that were clean, well lighted, and supplied with admirable sanitary arrangements. Lakes, parks, and well-kept streets made the place appear to be a poor man's paradise. On the other hand, those who lived in Pullman saw another side. Not many residents stayed there long. While they stayed, they seemed to be under a singular constraint. If they spoke of the company, they did so in a half-whisper, and with a furtive glance behind them very much "as a Russian might mention the Czar." Every one felt that he was spied upon, and that an incautious word might lead to his discharge and get his name upon the "black list."

In May, 1894, the Pullman Company dismissed a large number of its workmen. The wages of such as were retained were lowered by some twenty percent. Many were now employed for less than what was usually regarded as full time. A committee of employees waited upon Pullman to ask that the old wages be restored. Pullman refused this request, but promised that he would not punish any member of the committee for having presented the petition. This promise he apparently violated ; for on the very next day three of the committee were discharged. Pullman, in fact, evidently regarded himself as a personage so sacrosanct as to make even a respectful petition to him a serious offense. Indignant at his action, five-sixths of his men went out on strike. Pullman promptly discharged the other sixth, who had remained faithful to his interests.

To justify the Pullman management, a general statement was given out on its behalf, that the close of the Columbian Exposition and the existing business depression had checked the demand for its cars ; that it had been employing men at an actual loss; that it could not afford to continue them at work and at the old scale of wages. In reply to this, the fact was pointed out that while the wages of the men had been cut, the salaries of the officers remained as large as ever; and that rents in the town of Pullman had not been lowered. Moreover, the stock of the company was selling above par ; its dividends for the preceding year on a capital of $36,000,000 had been $2,520,000, while it had a surplus of undivided profits amounting to $25,000,000.

About 4,000 Pullman employees were members of the American Railway Union. In June, a convention of the union was held in Chicago, and this body took up the question of the Pullman strike, although the men on strike were not railway employees at all. A committee of the union wished to confer with the Pullman management, but were not allowed to do so. The Civic Federation of Chicago, with the approval and support of the mayors of fifty cities, urged the company to submit the matter to arbitration. The company answered: "We have nothing to arbitrate." Then, on June 2d, the Railway Union, finding no settlement possible, passed a resolution to the effect that unless the Pullman Company should come to an agreement with its men before June 26th, the members of the Railway Union would refuse to "handle" Pullman cars. The company remained obdurate; and therefore, on the 26th, the Union fulfilled its promise. From that day on, all the roads running out of Chicago, no train to which Pullman cars were attached could move.

The president of the Railway Union was Eugene V. Debs. He had formerly been a locomotive engineer and afterward a grocer. Going into politics, he had served a term in the Indiana Legislature. He was a very shrewd, long-headed strategist. He understood the strength of his organization. He was equally well aware of the one weak point in all the great labor demonstrations of the past. The 150,000 men whom he controlled could, by acting together, completely paralyze the railway system centering at Chicago. Local public sentiment was, on the whole, favorable to the Pullman employees. That sentiment would, however, be alienated if violence and general disorder were to follow on the strike. It was vital that the Railway Union should employ no lawless means.

The peaceable strike which was begun upon the 26th proved at once to be remarkably effective. Switchmen refused to attach Pullman cars to any train. When they were discharged for this, the rest of the train's crew left it in a body. By the end of the fifth day after the strike began, all the roads running out of Chicago were practically at a standstill. The Railway Managers' Association was facing absolute defeat. Its resources in the way of men were exhausted, and its trains could not be operated. Yet all this had been accomplished by peaceable means. There was no sign of violence or disorder. But the men who made up the Managers' Association were very able. They had at their command unlimited money, and legal advisers who could conceive daring plans.
 

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This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

The San Francisco Earthquake And Fire

Contemporary Account from the New York "Sun".

THIS is part of a remarkable two-page report in the New York "Sun" of April 19, 1906, of the great earthquake which overwhelmed San Francisco the day before, followed by a gigantic conflagration which lasted four days and destroyed 497 city blocks covering an area of five square miles. Some 28,188 buildings were demolished, causing approximately $1,000,000,000 damage and the loss of about 500 lives.

That the catastrophe was not even more appalling was largely due to the prompt and efficient action of Brigadier-General Funston, cooperating with the police, and acting on his own initiative, in placing the city under martial law and posting United States troops throughout the danger zones.

The reconstruction of San Francisco was accomplished with astonishing rapidity. Within three years 20,000 new fireproof buildings had been erected, and from the ashes of 1906 there has arisen another and more impressive metropolis.


THE greatest earthquake disaster in the history of the United States visited San Francisco early yesterday morning. A great part of the business and tenement district was shaken down, and this was followed by a fire which is still burning and which has covered most of the affected area.
Happening at 5 o'clock in the morning, the earthquake caused practically no loss of life among the business houses, but the tenement houses, especially the cheap lodging houses, suffered severely in this respect. Directly afterward a fire started in seven or eight places, helped out by broken gas mains. The water system failed, and all through the morning the fire was fought with dynamite.

Almost all the greater buildings of San Francisco are lost. These include the City Hall, the new Post Office, the "Call" Building, twenty stories high ; the Parrott Building, housing the largest department store in the West; the "Chronicle" and "Examiner" buildings, Stanford University at Palo Alto, the Grand Opera House and St. Ignatius's Church.

Oakland, Cal., April 18. The great shock which did the damage happened at 5:15 o'clock this morning, just about daybreak. Beginning with a slight tremor, it increased in violence every moment. Before it was over, the smaller and older buildings in the business districts had fallen like houses of cards, the great steel buildings were mainly skinned of walls, and the tenement district, south of Market, was in ruins.

Hardly were the people of the hill district out of their houses when the dawn of the east was lit up in a dozen places by fires which had started in the business district below. The first of these came with a sheet of flame which burst out somewhere in the warehouse district near the waterfront. Men from all over the upper part of town streamed down the hills to help. No cars could run, for the cable car slots and the very tracks were bent and tossed with the upheavals of the ground.

The fire department responded. . . . The firemen, making for the nearest points, got their hose out.

There was one rush of water; then the flow stopped. The great water main, which carries the chief water supply of San Francisco, ran through the ruined district. It had been broken and the useless water was spurting up through the ruins in scores of places.

The firemen stood helpless, while fire after fire started in the ruined houses. Most of these seem to have been caused by the ignition of gas from the gas mains, which were also broken. The fires would rush up with astonishing suddenness, and then smoulder in the slowly burning redwood, of which three-quarters of San Francisco is built. When day came the smoke hung over all the business part of the city. Farther out fires were going in the Hayes Valley, a middle class residence district, and in the old Mission part of the city. Dynamite was the only thing.

Chief of Police Dinan got out the whole police force, and General Funston, acting on his own initiative, ordered out all the available troops in the Presidio military reservation. After a short conference the town was placed under martial law, a guard was thrown about the fire, and all the dynamite in the city was commandeered.

The day broke beautifully clear. The wind, which usually blows steadily from the west at this time of year, took a sudden veer and came steadily from the east, sending the fire, which lay in the wholesale district along the waterfront, toward the heart of the city, where stood the modern steel structure buildings, mainly stripped of their cement shells.

Meantime there had been a second and lighter shock at 8 o'clock which had shaken down some walls already tottering and taken the heart out of many of the people who had hoped that the one shock would end it.

There was an overpowering smell of gas everywhere from the broken mains. Now and again these would catch fire, making a great spurt of fire, which would catch in the debris. The first concern of the firemen was to stop these leakages. They piled on them bags of sand, dirt clods, even bales of cloth torn from the wreckage of burning stores. In the middle of the morning, however, there came a report from the south louder and duller than the reports of the dynamite explosions. There followed a burst of flame against the dull smoke. The gas works had blown up and the tanks were burning. After that the gas leaks stopped.

It seemed to be two or three minutes after the great shock was over before people found their voices. There followed the screaming of women, beside themselves with terror, and the cries of men. With one impulse people made for the parks, as far as possible from the falling walls. These speedily became packed with people in their nightclothes, who screamed and moaned at the little shocks which followed every few minutes. The dawn was just breaking. The gas and electric mains were gone and the street lamps were all out. But before the dawn was white there came a light from the east the burning warehouse district.

On Portsmouth Square the panic was beyond description. This, the old Plaza about which the early city was built, is bordered now by Chinatown, by the Italian district, and by the "Barbary Coast," a lower tenderloin. A spur of the quake ran up the hill upon which Chinatown is situated and shook down part of the crazy little buildings on the southern edge. . . . The rush to Portsmouth Square went on almost unchecked by the police, who were more in demand elsewhere.

The denizens came out of their underground burrows like rats and tumbled into the square, beating such gongs and playing such noise instruments as they had snatched up. . . . They were met on the other side by the refugees of the Italian quarter. The panic became a madness. At least two Chinamen were taken to the morgue dead of knife wounds, given for no other reason, it seems, than the madness of panic. There are 10,000 Chinese in the quarter and there are thousands of Italians, Spaniards and Mexicans on the other side. It seemed as though every one of these, with the riffraff of "Barbary Coast," made for that one block of open land. The two uncontrolled streams met in the center of the square and piled up on the edges. There they fought all the morning, until the Regulars restored order with their bayonets.
 

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Discussion Starter · #14 ·
This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

Roosevelt Succeeds McKinley

Roosevelt's Own Account.

LOOKING backward, the apprehension of Vice-President Roosevelt's friends that, on succeeding to the Presidency, he would be "a pale copy of McKinley" were quite idle. Never was there a more strenuous and individual Chief Executive in the White House.

In his "Autobiography," from which this account is taken, by permission of The Macmillan Company, Roosevelt tells of being in the Adirondacks, fifty miles from a railroad, when informed by a guide that McKinley had succumbed to the assassin's bullet. Proceeding to Buffalo, Roosevelt took the oath of office September 14, 1901.

In addition to adhering to the policies of his predecessor, the twenty-sixth President asserted his strong individuality in 1902 by practically forcing the anthracite coal operators and striking miners to arbitrate their differences an act without precedent in the history of his office. Throughout his administration Roosevelt was the most active and conspicuous figure in American public life.


ON September 6, 1901, President McKinley was shot by an anarchist in the city of Buffalo. I went to Buffalo at once. The President's condition seemed to be improving, and after a day or two we were told that he was practically out of danger. I then joined my family, who were in the Adirondacks, near the foot of Mount Tahawus. A day or two afterwards we took a long tramp through the forest, and in the afternoon I climbed Mount Tahawus. After reaching the top I had descended a few hundred feet to a shelf of land where there was a little lake, when I saw a guide coming out of the woods on our trail from below. I felt at once that he had bad news, and, sure enough, he handed me a telegram saying that the President's condition was much worse and that I must come to Buffalo immediately. It was late in the afternoon, and darkness had fallen by the time I reached the clubhouse where we were staying. It was some time afterwards before I could get a wagon to drive me out to the nearest railway station, North Creek, some forty or fifty miles distant. The roads were the ordinary wilderness roads and the night was dark. But we changed horses two or three times when I say "we" I mean the driver and I, as there was no one else with us and reached the station just at dawn, to learn from Mr. Loeb, who had a special train waiting, that the President was dead. That evening I took the oath of office, in the house of Ansley Wilcox, at Buffalo.

On three previous occasions the Vice-President had succeeded to the Presidency on the death of the President. In each case there had been a reversal of party policy, and a nearly immediate and nearly complete change in the personnel of the higher offices, especially the Cabinet. I had never felt that this was wise from any standpoint. If a man is fit to be President, he will speedily so impress himself in the office that the policies pursued will be his anyhow, and he will not have to bother as to whether he is changing them or not; while as regards the offices under him, the important thing for him is that his subordinates shall make a success in handling their several departments. The subordinate is sure to desire to make a success of his department for his own sake, and if he is a fit man, whose views on public policy are sound, and whose abilities entitle him to his position, he will do excellently under almost any chief with the same purposes.

I at once announced that I would continue unchanged McKinley's policies for the honor and prosperity of the country, and I asked all the members of the Cabinet to stay. There were no changes made among them save as changes were made among their successors whom I myself appointed. I continued Mr. McKinley's policies, changing and developing them and adding new policies only as the questions before the public changed and as the needs of the public developed. Some of my friends shook their heads over this, telling me that the men I retained would not be "loyal to me," and that I would seem as if I were "a pale copy of McKinley." I told them that I was not nervous on this score, and that if the men I retained were loyal to their work they would be giving me the loyalty for which I most cared; and that if they were not, I would change them anyhow; and that as for being "a pale copy of McKinley," I was not primarily concerned with either following or not following in his footsteps, but in facing the new problems that arose ; and that if I were competent I would find ample opportunity to show my competence by my deeds without worrying myself as to how to convince people of the fact.
 

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This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

The Assassination Of McKinley

By Richard Barry, an Eye-Witness.

THIS is the best-written account by an eye-witness of the assassination of President McKinley in the Music Hall of the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, New York, September 6, 1901. Barry was a writer for the Buffalo "Enquirer," in which this article appeared.

Czolgosz, the assassin, was an anarchist of Polish-German ancestry, who saw in McKinley an arch-representative of capital as opposed to labor in this country. He fired twice at close range, both bullets taking effect. For eight days hope for the President's recovery was entertained, but he succumbed September 14. Nine days later the assassin was tried, and was electrocuted.

McKinley had served seven months of his second term as President. In defeating, Bryan, he received the largest popular majority given a candidate for the Presidency up to that time. Unprecedented honors were paid his memory in foreign capitals, notably London, where memorial services were held in Westminster Abbey and Saint Paul's Cathedral.


McKINLEY was never in a more buoyant mood than on his Buffalo trip. This was marked by all who saw him.

The entire occurrences of the two days the beauty of the exposition, his wife's continued health, the presence of his friends, the favorable reception of his momentous speech, received, as he had hoped it would be, without a full realization of its import, the propitious weather and the strenuous applause had by that time impregnated him with negative content and positive buoyance. He entered the Temple by a rear door, saw the arrangements were complete (he did not inspect them minutely, for he surrendered such details to others, and had always been lax in guarding his person), bowed to the guards and reporters present, walked up the aisle to the appointed station and said, pleasantly, that the place was cool.

The Temple was cool, for it had been locked up all day. This offered relief from the swelter without and seemed worthy of its august name. From a point just north of the center, extending southeast and northwest at a forty-five degree angle, slightly broken, were two aisles reaching from the apex like the bend in a finger. These aisles were formed by tightly packed folding seats, pushed back smartly, so that they formed a great inextricable jumble, spread over the floor in reckless confusion, whose edges at the aisle were nicely mended by long strips of purple cloth, pieced at the end in a continuous weave of undulating invitation invitation to the President's stand at the center. There great palms lifted their somnolent, green shade and a yellow dome, like polished amber, reflected the soft lambent light that streamed in richly from the western windows. For guards there were the regulation exposition police, United States artillery men, city detectives and government secret service men.

A short lull came, the President took his place, Mr. Milburn at the left, Mr. Cortelyou at the right, Detectives Ireland and Foster three feet away in front, several reporters behind, diplomats and officials surrounding, with the guards lining the aisle.

"Let them come," said the President. The doors were opened and the surge outside pushed in the tide of humanity. There was the usual push, the usual hot day sweat, the usual trodden feet, the usual quiet patience of the waiting thousands, and soon a steady stream of people was being pushed by the guards through the aisle and past the President, as logs are propelled down a sluice by men with cant hooks at a spring drive. This continued for about eight minutes, when there appeared at the door unnoticed at the time a well-knit young man, whose right hand, with seeming innocence, was in his back pocket. That hand held a pistol, and both were concealed from even the treacherous depths of the pocket by a dirty rag. The rag was a handkerchief, but it had been carried for several days and in the perspiring heat no face mop was presentable after such long usage. It was a cheap handkerchief, plain, unmarked, ordinarily small and sorely soiled, yet it held the deadliest venom on earth.

The hand was slightly nervous, so was the man. Only a close observer would have seen it. The precision of the next few moments would prove that he had nerves of steel; the villain at the climax of a tragedy usually has stage fright, and the young man has since admitted that he came within an ace of backing out there, but was already in the Temple, while the crowd behind made retreat impossible, and forced him slowly to the precipice. He closed his teeth good, white ones, though he has the fondness of a tobacco slave for a cigar and screwed his resolution up to the point of doing. He was well built, had a good wiry form of medium height, an intelligent face with a brow high but narrow, the aquiline nose of determination, a firm chin, a coarse sensual mouth and blue German eyes. It was the head of an egotist, the mouth of an impressionable youth, the nose and chin of a resolute man. The eyes were responsive but not sympathetic, and at that moment were stolid, with little of the fierce light that burns in the basilisk iris of a fanatic. His hair was brushed in wavy brown disorder back from his forehead. At first glance he was not a striking figure. He wore a cheap, dark suit of woolen cloth, a flannel shirt and a string tie all ordinary, all unnoticeable. He appeared as a mechanic, a printer, a shipping-clerk, a worker at some high-class trade. He moved on down the line, drawing near the President. As soon as he was well past the door he withdrew the handkerchief-enclosed pistol from his pocket, holding both in front of him, as though the hand were wounded and in a sling.

This young man's history is of interest. It is worth tracing. His name was Leon F. Czolgosz (pronounced Tchollgosch). He was 28 years old, born in Detroit, Michigan. He came of poor, Polish-German parents. The mother does not yet speak English, though she has been in this country many years. The father was so indigent that at the time of this writing [ 1901 ], he was about Cleveland, his present home, looking for bread or for work, whichever should be obtainable. Czolgosz has been slightly known to the anarchists of Chicago and the West as Fred Nieman, a surname that in German means "nobody." He has not been a prominent anarchist and it is only as a hanger-on that he is recalled.

The scene [of the shooting] is but partially to be described, or rather to be described from varying angles, no one of which is obtuse enough to comprehend the gaps left by the others, for though hundreds were there, the few minutes of the shots and their denouncement have left an inextricable tangle, about which everyone is sure of the exact happening and about which no two stories agree.

A detective saw the swathed fist and said in passing comment :
"This man has a sore hand."

Another had an inkling of suspicion. "I don't know about that," he said, and reached for Czolgosz's arm. It was too late ! The first shot came, low hardly louder than a cap pistol then the second, as quick as the self-cocking trigger could work. A vague, startled thrill spread through the crowd ; it had been hit a stunning blow and for the moment was numb. About the President action was decisive, sharp, bewildering. A dozen men leaped for the assassin. A big negro, James Parker, burst through the crowd and elbowed his herculean way to an assistance which was too late. George Foster, a government secret service man, in momentary hot revenge, had smashed the assassin's nose, the blood spurting to the floor, where the two were grappling, Czolgosz struggling for a desperate last shot, his face smeared with red ooze and his eyes bleary with tigerish emotion. But his shots, so close that the peppery powder mottled the President's white vest for many inches with specks of frightful black, had been fatal, and the artilleryman who kicked the pistol from his hand got merely cold satisfaction for his rescue. The marines of the President's guard had meanwhile charged the crowd with fixed bayonets, crying, "Clear out, you sons of , " and were pricking some in driving them from the Temple.

The President was singularly calm. A huge, deep-rooted mountain oak, lightning stricken, stands as he stood then alone, transfigured, mystified and silent before toppling to its fall. Those who saw that face and noted its sweet grandeur and its indefinable surprised pathos will carry the memory to the grave. The President had been greeting little children and had just courteously bowed to an old man. He was cheery, light hearted, kindly, patient such was his nature and at that moment he was in the heydey of good spirits. Suddenly there was injected into his life this foul, dank crime, blacker than night, more hideous than a dungeon's horrors. It was the envious Casca stabbing in the neck while truckling with a sycophant's leer; but Caesar exclaiming, "Et tu, Brute!" could have shown no greater pity and no greater wounded confidence than did President McKinley at that supreme juncture. His shoulders straightened to their fullest, broadest height and he quietly surveyed the fiend still holding the smoking, hidden pistol before him. The smile, with its dimpled placid sunniness, left his face, his white lips pressed each other in a rigid line, their convex curving ends lost in the sunken contour of his mouth, and then for the briefest instant his eye assumed the penetration of a man who reads men as other men read books. For that space of time, measured by hardly more than the wink of an eye-lash, the two assassin and victim--confronted each other. A multiplicity of emotions showed in the President's face, but two were lacking. There was neither fear nor anger. First there was surprise, then reproach, then pity, benevolence, compassion, a sympathy for the wretch, and then an inkling of astounded horror as he realized the enormity of the attack, and finally as the assassin was felled to the floor his great eyes welled with gentle passion and a tear on each cheek told of calm and chastened appeal for him who brought death that wonderful, black day. He did not once lose consciousness nor self-possession. Never was dignity better exemplified, yet it was pathetic. Though hope came afterward, no one then doubted that the President had been fatally wounded. His faithful secretary, George B. Cortelyou, a man of thin and resolute physique, of wiry courage and canny calmness, was more self-possessed than any other save the President. He caught his chief as he fell and with the help of John G. Milburn, president of the exposition, carried him to a nearby bench. Mr. Cortelyou leaned over the President and asked him if he suffered much pain. The President slowly drew his hand to his bosom, fumbled at his shirt and reached within, groped there with his fingers for a moment, then drew them forth, dabbled with blood.
 

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This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

The Human Side Of Panama Canal Building

By George W. Goethals, U. S. A.

GENERAL GOETHALS, who became chairman of the Panama Canal Commission in 1907, and was Governor of the Canal Zone when the great waterway was completed in 1914 (a year ahead of scheduled time), published this account in "Scribner's Magazine," 1915, from which it is taken by permission of Charles Scribner's Sons. To the great work Goethals brought an adequate knowledge of engineering with a complete knowledge of army organization and cooperation.

Elsewhere he pays tribute to the remarkable work of sanitation done by Colonel William C. Gorgas, without which pioneer work it is doubtful if the Canal could ever have been completed.

His own work at the Canal finished, Goethals was successively general manager of the Emergency Fleet Corporation, acting quartermaster-general and chief of the division of purchase, storage and tragic U. S. Army; and in 1915 received the thanks of Congress for "distinguished service in constructing the Panama Canal."


THE general impression prevailed from the beginning that the building of the Panama Canal comprised one of the world's greatest engineering feats, and the tremendous scope of the work as it developed during the construction period served to mold this impression into a fixed belief; yet Mr. Stevens, who, for nearly two years had control on the Isthmus, not only of all construction, but of those various coordinate branches which were essential adjuncts to the building of the Canal, expressed the opinion that the engineering features were the least difficult, describing them as "of magnitude and not of intricacy." On the other hand, his experience convinced him that the administrative problems were the greater, presenting as they did many unusual features, involving an immense amount of detail and extending into every branch of business, with ramifications touching many phases of social and domestic economy.

In every undertaking of an engineering character there must necessarily be a greater or less amount of administrative detail resulting from problems of supply, labor, policy, and considerations arising out of them. In the case of the Panama Canal, not only were these problems present, but, as compared with those of engineering, they made the latter appear relatively small.

The very magnitude of the work imposed difficulties which would have existed even had it been undertaken in any portion of the United States, but these difficulties were increased materially by reason of having to carry on the work in a tropical country, sparsely populated, non-productive, affording no skilled and very little efficient common labor, with customs and modes of living as different as the civilizations of North and Central America have been since the settlement of these portions of the western hemisphere, with a heavy rainfall during the greater portion of the year, and with a reputation for unhealthfulness which placed Panama in the category of one of the worst pest-holes of the earth.

The forces of the United States were fortunate . . . for before the transfer of the work to them preventive medicine had made such advances as to make possible the conversion of the pest-hole into a habitat where most white men could live and work. The diseases which sapped the energy and vitality of the men and struck terror to their souls were malaria and yellow fever. The cause of the former had been discovered by Sir Ronald Ross, of the British army, who formulated rules by which an infected locality could be rid of its influences. Not only were his theory and practices known, but we had the benefit of his advice and experience, for he visited the, Isthmus on invitation of the commission at the instigation of the health authorities in order that we might have his assistance. After Sir Ronald Ross's discovery, Doctors Reed, Lazear, and Carroll, in Cuba, with Aristides Agramonte, a Cuban immune, proved the correctness of the theory advanced by Doctor Carlos Finlay, of Havana, that yellow fever was transmitted only by the mosquito, and prescribed the methods that resulted in ridding Cuba of that dread disease; it naturally followed that the Isthmus could be freed in the same way. Finally, great advances had been made in construction machinery of all kinds, making the equipment used by the French obsolete, though this was continued in use by the Americans until it could be replaced by the more modern and up-to-date appliances that experience had shown would accomplish the results.

Because of the reputation of Panama, difficulty was experienced in securing the necessary skilled and unskilled labor, but systems of recruiting had been worked out and were in satisfactory operation in 1907, when the force aggregated about 5,500 "gold" employees and 24,000 "silver," or common, laborers. Notwithstanding the fact that at this time the Isthmus had been freed from yellow fever, the dread of the tropics was still extant, making it difficult to secure American workmen.

The assembled force had to be housed and fed. Many houses were acquired from the French, but not sufficient for the needs, nor were they always accessible to the work in progress. Extensive building operations were undertaken, including the erection of offices, storehouses of various kinds, quarters, hotels, messes, kitchens, hospitals, and schools. (The arbitrary nomenclature that became current on the Isthmus is of interest. The terms "gold" and "silver," the former designating the high-grade employee, usually American, and the latter the lower grades, usually West Indian or European, are well known.

New settlements were located and constructed with a view of accessibility to the work. The terminal cities of Panama and Colon were without pavements, sewers, or running water, and under the treaty these were to be provided by the United States, reimbursement to be accomplished at the end of the fifty-year period. This work was in progress as well as similar improvements in the various settlements that were building or completed. Machine-shops were rehabilitated or added to, and new ones constructed for assembling the machinery purchased in the United States, for manufacturing parts in order to avoid the delay incident to securing them from the manufacturers, and for making repairs.

The commissary of the Panama Railroad was enlarged and an adequate cold-storage plant for the proper care of meats and the manufacture of ice was in course of construction; local commissaries were established at the various settlements; and a system of supply was in operation between the main commissary and those at the different localities, as well as with the hotels, messes, and kitchens.

Probably the most difficult problem was the feeding of the force. Boarding-houses and restaurants thrived, but not so the men, and the stories told, exaggerated no doubt with the passage of time, are of conditions which, to say the least, were decidedly unpleasant. A local contract was made for running a hotel at Culebra, and the subsistence privilege for the entire force was advertised and bids were received.

Thought and attention were given to the storage and distribution of construction supplies. A system was instituted for shipping material and equipment direct from the dock to the places where needed, preventing congestion and saving double handling. A large storehouse was erected for reserve supplies of all kinds that might be needed and without which delays to the work would result. The great distance from the source of production and supply, and the necessity for keeping the work going, made the supply of material a very important feature.

The Panama Railroad, constructed in 1850-5 by Americans with American capital, constituted a part of one of the through routes between the east and west ; its commercial interests had to be continued, and, in addition, it must assist in the construction of the Canal. The roadbed, equipment, and facilities were scarcely adequate for the former alone, and, with the immense quantities of supplies required for the Canal, they became totally inadequate. The road was double-tracked and rebuilt to suit the heavier equipment that had been ordered, round-houses were constructed, docks erected, and yards built at the terminals and at various places along the line for the handling of freight of all kinds and spoil from the Canal.

All of these various branches of the work came directly under the control of the chief engineer ; and it was necessary to coordinate them with the construction of the Canal. Under these circumstances, it can readily be seen that Mr. Stevens's conclusions, that the administrative problems were greater than those of engineering, were correct.

One of the departments on the Isthmus not yet touched upon, and a very important one, was that of government. Under the treaty, the United States obtained from Panama the control and jurisdiction of a strip of land across the Isthmus ten miles wide, five miles on either side of the center line of the Canal to be constructed, so that there were required, as soon as the transfer of the strip was effected, a code of laws, a fiscal system, and the other machinery necessary for the establishment of a form of government. While the Spooner Act gave the President authority to make such regulations and establish such tribunals as might be required to exercise the control under the treaty, Congress, by specific enactment, delegated to the President the exercise of civic, judicial, and military functions in the Zone, to be exercised through such person or persons as he might determine, but such delegation of authority was to cease with the expiration of the Fifty-eighth Congress (March 4, 1905). The President exercised this authority through the Isthmian Canal Commission, which became the legislative body, announced that the laws of the land would continue in force until changed by competent authority, and appointed a member of the commission as governor of the Canal Zone Major-General George W. Davis, U. S. A., who brought to the task valuable experience gained in Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands. At that time the Zone was divided into municipalities, each with its mayor, secretary, treasurer, and municipal council, so that a political organization was established for the government of the strip, but without the elective franchise. Laws were prescribed, courts established, police, fire force, postal system, customs service, and schools were organized as the needs of the situation demanded. This department also had charge of all questions that arose between the Republic of Panama and the Canal Zone. The governor was given the power of reprieve, pardon, and deportation. The Fifty-eighth Congress adjourned without legislating for the Canal or continuing the authority it had vested in the President, so that the commission lost its legislative functions. A de facto government had been established, however; the work had to proceed ; new conditions as they arose had to be met; so that President Roosevelt continued the government but legislated through the medium of Executive Orders.
 

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This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

Peary Discovers The North Pole

His Own Account.

COMMANDER ROBERT E. PEARY, the first human being of authentic record to reach the North Pole, attained that goal of his life-long ambition April 6, 1909, as told in his "The North Pole: Its Discovery," from which this account is taken, by permission of Frederick A. Stokes Company. Temporarily the glory of his achievement was threatened by the claim of Dr. Frederick A. Cook to have reached the Pole on April 21, 1908. The civilized world was still huzzaing Cook on September 6, 1909, when the first news came from Peary that he had succeeded in reaching the Pole. Cook has been discredited.

This was Peary's eighth "dash" into the arctic wilderness. It was made in the steamer "Roosevelt," which sailed from a Maine port in August, 1908, with a company of 66 men and 140 dogs. Thirty hours were spent at the Pole. In 1911, by special act, Peary received the thanks of Congress and was made a rear-admiral.


WE were now one hundred and thirty-three nautical miles from the Pole. Pacing back and forth in the lee of the pressure ridge near which our igloos were built, I made out my program. Every nerve must be strained to make five marches of at least twenty-five miles each, crowding these marches in such a way as to bring us to the end of the fifth march by noon, to permit an immediate latitude observation.

As to the dogs, most of them were powerful males, as hard as iron, in good condition ; but without an ounce of superfluous fat; and, by reason of the care which I had taken of them up to this point, they were all in good spirits, like the men. The sledges, which were being repaired that day, were also in good condition. My food and fuel supplies were ample for forty days, and by the gradual utilization of the dogs themselves for reserve food, might be made to last for fifty days if it came to a pinch.

A little after midnight, on the morning of April 2 1909], after a few hours of sound, warm and refreshing sleep, and a hearty breakfast, I started to lift the trail to the north, leaving the others to pack, hitch up, and follow. As I climbed the pressure ridge back of our igloo, I took up another hole in my belt, the third since I left the land thirty-two days before.

As we had traveled on, the moon had circled round and round the heavens opposite the sun, a disk of silver opposite a disk of gold. Looking at its pallid and spectral face, from which the brighter light of the sun had stolen the color, it seemed hard to realize that its presence there had power to stir the great ice-fields around us with restlessness power even now, when we were so near our goal, to interrupt our pathway with an impassable lead.

When we awoke early in the morning of April 3, after a few hours' sleep, we found the weather still clear and calm.

Some gigantic rafters were seen during this march, but they were not in our path. All day long we had heard the ice grinding and groaning on all sides of us, but no motion was visible to our eyes. Either the ice was slacking back into equilibrium, sagging northward after its release from the wind pressure, or else it was feeling the influence of the spring tides of the full moon. On, on we pushed, and I am not ashamed to confess that my pulse beat high, for the breath of success seemed already in my nostrils.

I had not dared to hope for such progress as we were making. Still the biting cold would have been impossible to face by any one not fortified by an inflexible purpose. The bitter wind burned our faces so that they cracked, and long after we got into camp each day they pained us so that we could hardly go to sleep. The Eskimos complained much, and at every camp fixed their fur clothing about their faces, waists, knees, and wrists. They also complained of their noses, which I had never known them to do before. The air was as keen and bitter as frozen steel.

At the next camp I had another of the dogs killed. It was now exactly six weeks since we left the "Roosevelt," and I felt as if the goal were in sight.

At our camp on the fifth of April I gave the party a little more sleep than at the previous ones, as we were all pretty well played out and in need of rest. I took a latitude sight, and this indicated our position to be 89 25', or thirty-five miles from the Pole; but I determined to make the next camp for a noon observation, if the sun should be visible.

The last march northward ended at ten o'clock on the forenoon of April 6. I had now made the five marches planned from the point at which Bartlett turned back, and my reckoning showed that we were in the immediate neighborhood of the goal of all our striving. After the usual arrangements for going into camp, at approximate local noon, of the Columbia meridian, I made the first observation at our polar camp. It indicated our position as 89 57'.

We were now at the end of the last long march of the upward journey. Yet with the Pole actually in sight I was too weary to take the last few steps. The accumulated weariness of all those days and nights of forced marches and insufficient sleep, constant peril and anxiety, seemed to roll across me all at once. I was actually too exhausted to realize at the moment that my life's purpose had been achieved. As soon as our igloos had been completed and we had eaten our dinner and double-rationed the dogs, I turned in for a few hours of absolutely necessary sleep. But, weary though I was, I could not sleep long. It was, therefore, only a few hours later when I woke. The first thing I did after awaking was to write these words in my diary :

"The Pole at last. The prize of three centuries. My dream and goal for twenty years. Mine at last! I can not bring myself to realize it. It seems all so simple and commonplace."

Everything was in readiness for an observation at 6 p. m., Columbia meridian time, in case the sky should be clear, but at that hour it was, unfortunately, still overcast. But as there were indications that it would clear before long, two of the Eskimos and myself made ready a light sledge carrying only the instruments, a tin of pemmican, and one or two skins; and drawn by a double team of dogs, we pushed on for an estimated distance of ten miles. While we traveled, the sky cleared, and at the end of the journey I was able to get a satisfactory series of observations at Columbia meridian midnight. These observations indicated that our position was then beyond the Pole.

Nearly everything in the circumstances which then surrounded us seemed too strange to be thoroughly realized ; but one of the strangest of those circumstances seemed to me to be the fact that, in a march of only a few hours, I had passed from the western to the eastern hemisphere and had verified my position at the summit of the world. It was hard to realize that, in the first miles of this brief march, we had been traveling due north, while, on the last few miles of the same march, we had been traveling south, although we had all the time been traveling precisely in the same direction. It would be difficult to imagine a better illustration of the fact that most things are relative. Again, please consider the uncommon circumstance that, in order to return to our camp, it now became necessary to turn and go north again for a few miles and then to go directly south, all the time traveling in the same direction.

As we passed back along that trail which none had ever seen before or would ever see again, certain reflections intruded themselves which, I think, may fairly be called unique. East, west, and north had disappeared for us. Only one direction remained, and that was south. Every breeze which could possibly blow upon us, no matter from what point of the horizon, must be a south wind. Where we were, one day and one night constituted a year, a hundred such days and nights constituted a century. Had we stood in that spot during the six months of the Arctic winter night, we should have seen every star of the northern hemisphere circling the sky at the same distance from the horizon, with Polaris (the North Star) practically in the zenith.
 

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Discussion Starter · #18 ·
This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

The Oklahoma Rush

Contemporary Accounts.

THESE two accounts of the opening of the Cherokee Strip in Oklahoma and the memorable "rush" of white settlers to stake out claims appeared in the New York "Tribune" September 17, 1893, in the form of letters from correspondents. The first if from Kildare, Oklahoma, the second from Arkansas City, Kansas. The "rush" here described was a repetition of one that had occurred in April, 1889, when vacant lands of the Creeks and Seminoles were opened to settlement under the United States homestead laws.

Despite the fact that the Cherokee Strip comprised an area of 6,000,000 acres, there was not nearly enough land to satisfy the hopes of the 100,000 or more men and women who engaged in the spectacular race. Other Indian lands, for which the Government had paid from fifteen to thirty cents an acre, were opened to settlement in 1901 and 1906. In the latter year Oklahoma and Indian Territory were combined and admitted into the Union as the forty-sixth State.


WITH the sharp crack of a carbine in the hands of a sergeant of the Third Cavalry, followed by almost simultaneous reports from the weapons of the other soldiers stationed all along the line between Kansas and the Indian country, the greatest race ever seen in the world began to-day. It was on a racetrack 100 miles wide, with a free field, and with a principality for the stake. From the rear of a special train filled with Santa Fe officials, the start from the south end of the Chilocco reservation was seen to better advantage than from anywhere else along the whole line. From this point the racers had three miles the start of all others. Directly south of this line were the towns along the Santa Fe, which were the objective points for so many of the boomers. For a mile in the rear of the line, there was presented what appeared like a fine hedge fence, extending as far as the eye could reach along the prairie in both directions. But as the observer approached the fence it changed into a living wall.

Men and horses seemed in almost inextricable confusion until the line itself was reached, and then it was seen that every man, woman and horse had an allotted place and was kept in it by a law stronger than any act on the statute books the compulsion exercised by a great body of free Americans, who were determined to have things just and right. The line was probably straighter than any that was ever formed by the starters on a race-course. The horsemen and bicycle-riders were to the front, while the buggies and the lighter wagons were in the second row, with heavy teams close in the rear. The shot sounded, and away they went, with horses rearing and pitching, and one unfortunate boomer striking the ground before the line had fairly been broken. Within three hundred yards the first horse was down, and died after that short effort. But the rider was equal to the occasion, and immediately stuck his stake into the ground, and made his claim to a quarter section of the finest farming land in the Strip.

It was perhaps the maddest rush ever made. No historic charge in battle could equal this charge of free American people for homes. While courtesy had marked the treatment of women in the lines for many days, when it came to this race they were left to take care of themselves. Only one was fortunate enough and plucky enough to reach the desired goal ahead of nearly all her competitors. This was Miss Mabel Gentry, of Thayer, Neosho County, Kan., who rode a fiery little black pony at the full jump for the seven miles from the line to the town site of Kildare, reaching that point in seventeen minutes. It was a terrible drive from start to finish, but the girl and her horse reached the town. In the race the bicycle-riders were left far behind. The crispy grass of the prairie worked to their disadvantage. The men and women with buggies were also outdistanced and reached the town site after the best lots had been taken.

Thousands were disappointed after all the lots had been taken, and thousands went right on through the district without stopping. That the land was totally inadequate to the demand was made evident this evening, when the northbound train went through. Every train was almost as heavily loaded as when it came in this morning, and thousands of persons who returned brought tales of as many more persons wandering around aimlessly all over the Strip, looking for what was not there. The station platforms all along the line were crowded with people who had rushed in and who were now hoping for a chance to rush out. The opening is over, the Indian land is given away, and still there are thousands of men and women in this part of the country without homes.

WHEN at noon to-day the bars that have so long enclosed 6,000,000 acres of public land were let down, more than 100,000 men and women joined in the mad rush for land. Men who had the fastest horses rode like the wind from the border, only to find other men, with sorry-looking animals, ahead of them. Fast teams carrying anxious home-seekers were driven at breakneck speed, only to find on the land men who had gone in afoot. Every precaution had been taken to keep out the "Sooner" element, yet that same element, profiting by former experiences, had captured the land. All night the rumble of teams could be heard as they moved out to the strip. At the stations the men stood in line at the ticket office, awaiting the slow movements of ticket-sellers, who could not sell more than 2,000 tickets an hour. The great jam was at Orlando, where were gathered 20,000 citizens of Perry, all anxious for the time to come when they could start on their ten-mile race. From the elevation at Orlando the line could be seen for a distance of eight miles east and ten miles west. A half-dozen times some one would shout the hour of noon, and fifty to a hundred horsemen would draw out of the line, only to be driven back by the cavalrymen, who were patrolling the Strip in front of the impatient throng.

At last a puff of smoke was seen out on the plains to the north, and soon the dull boom of a cannon was heard. A dozen carbines along the line were fired in response to the signal, and the line was broken. Darting out at breakneck speed, the racers soon dotted the plains in every direction. The trains were loaded rapidly. At first there was an attempt to examine the registration certificates ; but this soon was given up, as the rushing thousands pushed those ahead of them, the trainmen giving all their time to collecting tickets. The first train of twelve cars pulled across the line at noon, crowded as trains never were before; even the platforms and roofs were black with human beings. Following this train at intervals of only two or three minutes went another and another until the last, composed of flat and coal cars, all crowded, had pulled across the line, followed by at least 3,000 disappointed, panting men who were determined not to be deprived of their rights. The run to Perry was made in three-quarters of an hour. Before the train stopped men began climbing out of the windows and tumbling from the platforms.

In their haste to secure claims ahead of the trains were at least 1,000 horsemen, who had come the ten miles from the line in unprecedentedly short time and who claimed all the lots immediately about the land office and the public well. They were rubbing down their weary horses when the trains were unloading. When the last of the trains pulled in the scramble for land about the town continued with increased vigor. The quarter-sections about the town had all been taken, but in every direction lines were being run and additional towns laid out, to be called North Perry, South Perry, East Perry, and West Perry. By two o'clock fully 20,000 men and women, of all nationalities and colors, were on the site of what all hope will be a great city. They were without food and without water. The scenes at Enid were a repetition of those at Perry.
 

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This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

Henry Ford And The Automobile

By James Rood Doolittle.

A MOST interesting and informative chapter in Doolittle's "Romance of the Automobile Industry" is the accompanying account of Henry Ford and the great part he has played in what has come to be the foremost American industry, in point of financial magnitude. The article is given here by permission of the publishers, The Klebold Press, New York.

Ford, the premier automobile manufacturer of the world, is credited with making, in 1893, the second gasoline car to be operated successfully in the United States a car which "has been the strongest educational force the industry has produced."

In the Ford employ to-day--thirty-two years afterward are 100,000 persons turning out 8,500 automobiles every twenty-four hours. Their employer has instituted a profit-sharing plan whereby $10,000,000 has been distributed annually to employees, and has built for their free use a $2,000,000 hospital.


THE name of Henry Ford is known and his personality is respected wherever civilized man dwells. As head of the company that has produced or has scheduled for current production something like $700,000,000 of automobiles in eleven years, there can be no question about his rank in the industry. As the chief of 100,000 workmen, most of whom he developed from mere laborers to the grade of skilled mechanics, each deemed worthy of mechanics' wages but schooled to perform only a single operation, he has gained fame.

The world is interested in Henry Ford as a pacifist, educator and philanthropist, but the automobile industry recognizes in Ford a scientist, a bulldog fighter and a manufacturer par excellence.

Ford invented and built with his own hands a two-cylinder, four-cycle gasoline car that ran at the rate of twenty-five miles an hour in the spring of 1893. That places him so close to the top of the list of American automobile inventors that there is a doubt as to exactly how he ranks. From the best data available as to his status in the list, he should be credited with making the second gasoline car that ran in the United States. Duryea certainly built and ran a car in 1893 and tried out his Buggyaut, commenced in 1891, quite extensively before the date of Ford's first car, but the weight of the testimony is that Ford was second.

He fought the Selden patent to a standstill, without proving anticipation of its claims.

His car has been the strongest educational force the industry has produced, because the ranks of motorists are increased from the bottom and Ford cars are the first cars purchased by entries into the motor field in a large percentage of cases. The array of 1,500,000 Ford cars and the service they have done needs no emphasis here.

Henry Ford and the Ford car are the best advertisements the automobile industry has enjoyed. Speaking broadly, their value to the rest of the industry is incalculable.

Of full medium height, Mr. Ford is slenderly built but sinewy as hickory. Equipped with meager primary schooling, he has taken all the degrees conferred by the University of the World.

There has been an immense amount of flub-dub written about Ford's hardships; his luck and his genius, but the only real hardship he ever had was that he chose to work hard. He was successful because he worked out an important problem at the right time and his genius may be described as the logical sequence of the hard work and success.

Ford's genius rests upon his ability and willingness to do an astounding amount of work. He made a monumental success because he did the work and expended the intelligent effort at the right time, and then kept right on expending intelligent effort until the whole world recognized it.

Ford was the eldest of three sons and three daughters, born to William Ford, native of Ireland but of English blood, who emigrated to this country and settled eight miles west of Detroit, Michigan, in 1847. The young Irish-English immigrant was a man of strong personality and was a steady and moderately successful farmer. He married Mary Litogot some years after reaching Michigan, and Henry Ford Was born July 30, 1863.

A great storm of criticism and protest has been raised concerning the attitude of Ford toward war. Opinions may differ according to the partisanship of those who hold them, but the stern position assumed by Ford is perfectly clear and logical from his point of view. Hatred of war comes naturally to Henry Ford, for he was born to the sound of fife and drum. His mother listened to the tramp of armed hosts and heard the dismal music of the funeral bands; the wailing bugle call of "Taps" over the graves of fallen warriors. She saw an endless line of maimed men come back from the battle front and she gave to Henry Ford an inherited aversion to war that is as deeply ingrained in his being as it is possible for anything to be.

There is nothing in his attitude to show that he fears war he simply hates it.

The boy Henry was a baby until the end of the struggle between the States, and his childhood was little different from that of the average farmer boy, where there is a measure of prosperity. For the father was not poor. The boy had enough to eat and wear and a comfortable home in which to live. He had to work hard and long as soon as he was able. But that is the lot of all farmer boys. He was no laggard and between the farm work and the rudimentary schooling he received, he found time to rig up a little shop on the farm where he had a vise, a lathe and a rude forge, as well as tool equipment of miscellaneous kinds. He fairly reveled in mechanics and sought out repair work, mostly for the love of the work itself rather than for any money returns that might result.

He had become interested in steam engines while still on the farm, and the part of farm work that he really liked was during the seasons when the farm required the service of steam engines. Ford was in his glory while serving as helper about the harvesting machines. When he was working in the Detroit machine shops he continued his interest in steam engines and did quite a lot of experimenting before he was nineteen years old.

Before his twentieth birthday, Ford left the Dry Dock Company and was employed as "road expert" by the Michigan state agent of George Westinghouse & Company, of Schenectady, New York, and put in several years in the service of that company, constantly in touch with the engine and constantly learning more about men and affairs.

His father never had become reconciled to Henry's defection from the farm, and considered it more or less of a disgrace that his eldest son should work with his hands at anything besides agriculture, and in a final effort to "redeem" the young man from a life of that sort, he presented his son with a heavily "timbered forty" near the old farm.

Ford dutifully abandoned his job with the Westinghouse people and made a careful inspection of his landed estate. He found that the timber was of good quality and thereupon he rigged up a sawmill, cleared the land and marketed the lumber, spending some time in denuding the forty-acre lot.

Ford was a farmer with mechanical leanings in 1887, but his timbering operations had been moderately profitable, and he had fitted up a shop on his farm in which the first Ford car was built. He married Clara J. Bryant in 1887.

The first Ford was a steamer, designed to be run with a single-cylinder engine 2 by 2 inches from a boiler that developed from 250 to 400 pounds pressure per square inch. The car was never completed and was abandoned in 1889.

Ford gave up farming about the same time he abandoned work on his first car and removed to Detroit, where he got a job at $45 a month for 12 hours' work a day with the Detroit Edison Illuminating Company. He was raised to $75 a month in 90 days and was made chief engineer at $100 and then $125 per month, remaining with the company for seven years.
 

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This is an excerpt from "A New World Power," Volume 10 of the VFW series: America, Great Crises in our History.

A Banking Act To End Panics

By Senator Robert L. Owen.

SENATOR OWEN, of Oklahoma, who wrote this able interpretation of the Federal Reserve Act of 1903 for the Rand-McNally "Bankers' Monthly," was chairman of the Committee on Banking and Currency, and managed the passage of the Federal Reserve Act and Farm Loan Act in the United States Senate. Before going to the Senate in 1907, he was an Oklahoma banker and United States Indian agent.

In this important reform of the national currency, which was enacted in the first year of the Wilson administration, the control of the money of the country was taken from private hands and placed in the Treasury Department. The country was divided into 12 banking districts and the reserves of those districts were placed in certain cities so as to better serve the needs of the whole country and, by relieving the nervous strain imposed primarily upon the New York banks the reserve center under the old system avert panics.


MANY men n have claimed to be the author of the Federal Reserve Act. The fact is, the Federal Reserve Act was born out of the experience of men. The principles of that Act were first put into effect, probably by Great Britain, in a panic immediately after the Civil War in 1866, when, by ministerial promise, the Bank of England, which, though owned by private stockholders, to all intents and purposes, is a governmental institution, was permitted to issue legal tender notes, against other securities than gold, in violation of the English Act of 1849 ; but, because of the exigency and need of immediate currency, the ministerial powers gave a permit to use the printing press, and manufacture legal tender notes against commercial bills. It abated the panic within twenty-four hours. Three times that has occurred in England.

The Great German Empire followed that experience, and gave authority by statute law to the Reischbank, to issue legal tender notes against commercial bills, of a certain qualified class, under a penalty of a 5 percent interest charge, payable to the Government, and which would serve as a means for automatic retirement of those notes ; and in that way they got protection against inflation.

The principle of the Federal Reserve Act, which is of great importance to this country, is the fact that commercial bills of a qualified class, can be used by the Federal Reserve Banks as a basis of issuing money to the business men of the United States. In the old days, under our laws, we concentrated the reserves of the banks of the country, first in forty odd reserve cities, then, in three central reserve cities ; then, at last they were pyramided in New York, where the New York banks were compelled to rely upon each other, where those who wanted currency in the country relied upon New York to furnish that currency, and therefore, there was built up in New York the reliance on stocks and bonds, used as collateral for call loans, and these call loans went into the millions; and when any sudden demand came that alarmed the banks of the country, they had no remedy whatever, except to call upon the borrower to make good his call loan. The borrower under such circumstances had no recourse, except to sell his securities upon a falling market.

Under conditions of that kind, we have been visited with a number of severe panics, the recent one being in 1907, and also in 1894 and 1893. These panics have swept this country. They have made the business men in this country tremble for fear, and have prevented tens of thousands, and hundreds of thousands of men from engaging in legitimate manufacturing business, in legitimate commerce, in other avenues, which would be well warranted, if there had been any stability in our financial system, any stability in the credit market.

Under the American system, men are compelled of necessity to extend credit, and do extend credit, and under such conditions where there is no stability in the credit market, it was easy to destroy confidence ; and we have talked learnedly in the past about our troubles being due to loss of confidence, and have sometimes forgotten that the loss of confidence was unavoidable, because the banks of the country owed ten times as much money as the banks had in their vaults, and if 10 percent of their depositors at any one time were to call for the payment of the deposits in cash, the banks would have nothing with which to transact current business, and to pay a check on a deposit.

It was no wonder that the banks of this country were in a state of continual trepidation, whenever there was a threat of a panic, or a disturbance of confidence. I believe for us that period is gone, and gone forever.

Under our present system, commercial bills can be used to issue money, Federal Reserve notes, they are not bank notes either. The banks of this country tried hard to make them bank notes. They are notes of the United States, with the taxing power behind them, and as good money as the world has ever seen, secured in cash by a credit of a man who takes his note to his local bank, and is worthy of a loan ; secured, second, by the member bank that endorses that note; secured, third, by the Federal Reserve Bank that takes that note; secured, in fact, by all of the banks of this country who are members of that system, and secured by the stockholders of those banks, under the double liability clause ; and finally, secured by the taxing power of the people of the United States. There never was in the history of the world a security of more stability and dignity.

But what has that to do with the investment banking business? It gives for the first time in this country, an assured stability in business. It brings into activity every human agency available in our country. It brings to employment every man willing to labor. It brings a condition, not of temporary prosperity, but of continued stable business prosperity in this country, which cannot be broken.

Any individual who indulges in unsound business methods, will of necessity go into a personal liquidation, as he merits ; but, in the future, no man will have the ground cut from under his feet, by a sudden panic, such as swept over this country in October, 1907, when nearly every bank from the Atlantic to the Pacific, closed its doors from Saturday to Monday night. The American people had the wit, even in that exigency to manufacture an artificial currency in the form of clearing house certificates ; in the form of cashiered checks, pay checks; certificates of deposit, and numerous other forms which availed at the time, as a medium of currency; and the people of the country had the good sense to stand by the banks and not to demand the payment of their deposits in cash.

But the exigency will never arise again in this country, and you will find that those who deal in municipal securities will have a widening field, a more stable field I call your attention to the stability of the interest rate, since the Federal Reserve Act went into effect, practically no fluctuation. In a few days the interest rate in New York went to 6 percent. ; but the rate is comparatively stable now, without the fluctuation of a single point, and the reason of that is perfectly plain because those who have a right to ask credit ; those who have a right to demand currency, can offer these proper securities and obtained the currency that they need, and when a man can get currency, and knows he can get currency then he does not want it.

The United States is entering into a new era, and in my judgment the world is entering into a new era. Since the Federal Reserve Act went into effect, the bankers of this country have gained over six thousand millions of dollars in deposits, and that is a sum so gigantic that the human imagination can hardly conceive it. It is a little difficult to ascertain where that line of deposits comes from. A part of it is undoubtedly due to money which was hoarded in this country, and which was gradually put back into employment under conditions that the holders of it believed they were safe in marching forth on. A part of it is due to drawing out of stockings of the cowardly depositor who was unwilling to trust the bank, some ninety odd millions of dollars through the postal savings system by which the Government puts itself behind the depositors and redeposits that fund with the bank. A part of it is due to the bringing into this country of European gold ; but a very large part of it, in my opinion, is due to the extension of credit by the bankers of this country, which re-appear as deposits. So that in my judgment the Federal Reserve Act has a very far-reaching effect upon all business.
 
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